Georgiy Dimitrov Leipzig trial. The Leipzig trial is the moral and political defeat of German fascism. Phenomena mentioned in the text
Leipzig Trial, or the Case of the Reichstag Fire
A rather crudely staged trial against communists who were falsely accused by the German fascists of burning down the Reichstag. This trial took place in Leipzig from September 21 to December 23, 1933 and ended in the acquittal of four of the five defendants due to insufficient evidence.
Georgiy Dimitrov
When the Nazis came to power in Germany in January 1933, the new owners of the country faced the question of strengthening their position. One of the forces that posed a direct threat to the fascist regime was the Communist Party, which had a fairly strong influence on the masses. The elections, scheduled for March 5, were approaching, but there was no confidence that the representatives of the fascist party would win.
At first, Hitler and his team adhered to the law, but they did not intend to lose the elections, intending to achieve victory by any means, including the methodical elimination of competitors. On February 2, Interior Commissioner Goering announced that he himself would head the police force. Following this, he carried out a harsh purge in the ranks of his employees, removing from business or even eliminating all persons who did not express sympathy for Nazism. All vacant seats were immediately filled by people from the SS and SA. It was this Nazi “backbone” that later became the basis for the emergence of the Gestapo.
On February 5, a very remarkable parade took place in Berlin, which actually became an act of legalization of the assault troops and a call for the unification of the forces of all nationalist parties of the “Harzburg Front”. Walking through the square with banners in their hands, the activists of the “Steel Helmet”, “brown shirts” and Shupo hurried to “continue the banquet”, organizing the destruction of premises, houses and cafes where the communists usually gathered. Major clashes occurred in Leipzig, Breslau, Danzig, Düsseldorf, and Bochum, during which there were many casualties. The next day, a law introducing a state of emergency “to protect the German people” came into force in Germany. And on February 9, searches began in the country of premises used by communist organizations and the apartments of party leaders. First, reports appeared in the press about the discovery of warehouses of weapons and ammunition, documents “proving” the existence of a conspiracy involving the arson of public buildings. Then Germany was overwhelmed by mass arrests and kidnappings. Stormtroopers methodically destroyed unwanted people according to lists compiled in advance (the existence of such “black lists” has been talked about for a long time).
Nevertheless, the opposition continued to resist the Nazis stubbornly. Thus, communist militant groups and groups of the “Anti-Fascist League” united under a single command, which on February 26, 1933 issued an appeal to “the broad masses to stand up for the defense of the Communist Party, the rights and freedoms of the working class” and to launch “a broad offensive in the titanic struggle against the fascist dictatorship."
Then the Nazis began to look for a legal way to suppress the Communist Party. To do this, it was necessary to convince the Germans that the communists were preparing a putsch. Such a demarche against the opposition would have allowed the Nazis to discredit the Communist Party on the eve of the elections and remove its leaders from the game. In principle, to carry out such an action, the Nazis only needed imagination; Hitler's entourage had already gotten their hands on organizing major political machinations. So soon a suitable script was ready.
On February 27, 1933, at 21.15, a theological student was passing along Königsplatz, where the Reichstag building was located. Suddenly he heard the sound of breaking glass and saw a hail of fragments raining down on the pavement. The young man immediately rushed to look for the guards. They went around the Reichstag and noticed the silhouette of a man. The unknown person rushed around the building, setting fire to everything that came to hand.
Firefighters and police arrived quickly at the scene. They went to inspect the premises, hoping to catch the arsonist. It turned out that there were 65 fires in the Reichstag, scattered throughout the building! A flammable substance was burning, producing almost no smoke. In the meeting room, the column of flame turned out to be the most impressive: with a width of a meter, it soared to the very ceiling. The police and firefighters carried out further searches for the unknown terrorist with weapons in their hands.
In the southern part of the Reichstag, in the Bismarck Hall, the police found an unauthorized person. Naked to the waist, sweating, with a wandering gaze, the man gave the impression of being mentally abnormal. The terrorist, by the way, made no attempt to escape or resist. On the contrary, he sluggishly raised his hands up and resignedly allowed himself to be searched. The arsonist had in his pocket a passport of a Dutch citizen in the name of Marinus van der Lubbe, born in 1909.
Van der Lubbe, who turned out to be unemployed, was hastily taken to the police prefecture at Alexanderplatz. And at this time, the German radio was screaming with all its might about the arson of the Reichstag, which was committed. communists. The investigation into the crime had not yet begun, but the Nazis stated that only members of the Communist Party could take such a step. The repression began that same night. In Berlin, for example, 4,500 people were sent to prison on a “preventive basis” and then to the concentration camps created by Goering. From three o'clock in the morning, airfields, river and sea ports came under strict control, and trains were searched at border checkpoints. It became impossible to leave Germany without special permission. And on February 28, the so-called “Public Safety Decrees” began to take effect, which abolished most constitutional freedoms: freedom of the press, assembly, inviolability of home, person, correspondence. Not only the publications of the Communist Party, but also the newspapers of the Social Democrats were banned. The trade unions, which the Nazis really feared and which could block the way to the “brown plague”, having paralyzed the country with a general strike at the initial stage, decided not to interfere and wait for events to develop. As a result, the time of Nazi police brutality began in Germany.
The day after the fire in the Reichstag (the fire was so strong that part of the dome of the building even collapsed), Torgler, the former leader of a group of communist members of the Reichstag, one of the most famous speakers of the German Communist Party, inferior in popularity only to its leader Ernst Thälmann. He was immediately sent to a prison cell, since Frey and Karvan, two deputies who joined the ranks of the National Socialists, declared under oath: on the day of the fire, Torgler entered the Reichstag building along with a crazy terrorist.
Soon the two accused in this case were joined by three more. One of the waiters at the fashionable restaurant "Bayernhof" learned from the newspaper about 20,000 marks assigned for the capture of van der Lubbe's accomplices. The waiter immediately stated that the terrorist had visited the restaurant several times in the company of three unknown people, “who looked like Bolsheviks” (an interesting and, most importantly, capacious description, isn’t it?) The police somehow casually brushed off the fact that in establishments of the "Bayernhof" class did not even allow such penniless vagabonds as the arsonist onto the threshold, and set up an ambush in the restaurant. And on March 9, three regulars of the establishment were arrested. Two of them, however, had passports that were not in doubt, but the third man had no documents with him.
A few minutes later, the police determined that both passports presented were fake. Then the three detainees admitted: they are citizens of Bulgaria, Blagoy Popov, Vasil Tanev and Georgiy Dimitrov. Hearing the last name, a real celebration was organized at the Gestapo headquarters. After all, the leader of the Comintern underground in Western Europe himself was behind bars! Each of the three detained at home was sentenced to 12 years in prison for political activities, and Dimitrov, in addition, had another sentence of 20 years to his credit.
The Bulgarians claimed that they were going to illegally enter the territory of their native state, Torgler was known only by his last name, and van der Lubbe had never been seen. But the Gestapo quickly organized a search for witnesses to the falsity of these testimonies. Soon, dozens of people were ready to confirm under oath that they personally saw how three detainees met with the arsonist on the street, sat with him in a restaurant, looked for something in the Reichstag lobby, and dragged some boxes into the damaged building. In general, there was information for every taste. Dimitrov, however, listened to such statements quite calmly, since he could prove that he was in Munich on the day of the fire.
Despite the obvious absurdity of the accusations, the Nazis did not want to lose the opportunity to use the Bulgarians as scapegoats. Attempts to recruit witnesses and prepare investigation materials for submission to the court took five months. Dimitrov spent all this time in handcuffs, deprived of all contact. He could not even imagine how widely the fact of the Reichstag arson and his arrest received a wide response in the world.
Already during the preliminary investigation, the Nazis realized that they would most likely be defeated. However, by that time the case had grown so much that it would have been impossible to close it quietly. As the press wrote, the expected process came under the close attention of the whole world in advance. Since the authorities appointed a lawyer for the accused, whose tactics did not suit the Bulgarians, Dimitrov himself was going to represent the defense.
On September 21, 1933, hearings of the scandalous case began in the Supreme Court of the Reich, in the Palace of Justice in Leipzig. Since after the Reichstag fire no one in the world believed in the tales about the involvement of communists in this terrorist act, the Nazis decided to justify themselves in the eyes of public opinion by organizing a deliberately “fake” trial. The unenviable fate of bringing this performance to life fell to the elderly judge Bugner and four assessors. These people, it must be said, made a lot of effort to give the appearance of at least minimal decency to the judicial debate. And during the course of 54 court hearings, they continually escaped the control of the court.
120 journalists from different countries of the world (the only ones absent were the Soviet “sharks of the pen” who were not allowed to attend the trial) followed with interest the unfolding actions. It became clear to even the most observant observer: the five accused were brought together only by a coincidence of circumstances used by the prosecution. However, Hitler hoped that the court would issue a “severe verdict”, which would play into the hands of anti-communist propaganda.
Even before the start of the hearings in Leipzig, this case was examined by the International Commission in London, in whose work prominent French, English, American, Belgian, and Swiss public figures took part. German emigrants who found refuge in France, Holland, England and the USA raised the world community to its feet. They themselves conducted an investigation, collected evidence, published photographs and documents, proving: the Reichstag was set on fire by the Nazis themselves to introduce a state of emergency and justify mass repressions. After all, Hitler called this fire “a gift from heaven” not by chance. It began very timely for the Nazis - in the midst of the election campaign, a week before the elections. The Fuhrer's speech schedule was extremely busy, but for unknown reasons, not a single pre-election meeting was scheduled for February 25-27, and Hitler had a day free from public appearances on the 27th!
The conservative weekly Ring published an article in its second March issue that ended with the following questions: “How did all this become possible? Or are we truly a nation of blind sheep? Where can we look for arsonists who are so confident in their impunity?.. Maybe these are people from the highest German or international circles? Naturally, “Ring” was immediately banned, but all sane people asked similar questions.
A few more facts gave me a lot to think about. Thus, a certain Dr. Bell told interesting things about van der Lubbe and reported that he knew well about what actually happened on the day of the fire. When information about Bell’s revelations reached the Gestapo, the chatterbox was put under surveillance. The doctor panicked and hurried to move to Austria. There, on April 3, he was killed by gunmen arriving from Munich.
The fate of Dr. Oberfohren, chairman of the group of German nationalists in the Reichstag, also turned out to be unenviable. He described the preparations for the arson in a memo, which he sent to several friends, indicating that the fire was the work of a group of stormtroopers, trusted men of Röhm, acting with the assistance of Goering and Goebbels. One of the copies of the letter went abroad and was published by English, French, and Swiss newspapers. And on May 3, Oberfohren was found dead in his apartment. The police hastened to close the case, declaring that the case was a suicide. However, all of the doctor's personal papers and documents disappeared.
As for the leader of the stormtroopers, Ernst, he, while drunk, boasted of his exploits during this operation. And a certain Rall, a repeat criminal who was arrested a few weeks after the Reichstag fire, asked the investigator to listen to him as a witness “in another case.” It turned out that in February 1933 he was a member of Karl Ernst’s personal guard and participated in the arson. Then 10 attack aircraft with Molotov cocktails sat in the basement for almost three hours, waiting for Ernst’s command. At this time, some kind of parallel operation was supposed to take place (apparently, the “launch” of van der Lubbe, who had undergone preliminary psychological treatment). Within 10 minutes, the stormtroopers set fire to the boxes with the mixture, laid out in pre-arranged places, and returned under the wing of Goering. Having learned about Rall's testimony, the Gestapo took him out of Neuruppin prison and took him to Berlin, to their headquarters. The interrogation of the criminal lasted 24 hours straight, after which a letter from the investigator to the Supreme Court with a copy of Rall's testimony was seized from the post office in Leipzig. The court clerk who reported an unusually knowledgeable offender to the Gestapo was promoted to platoon commander for destroying the original testimony. And Rall’s body was discovered a few days later while plowing: it was turned to the surface by a plow, since the body was covered only by a 20-centimeter layer of earth.
The investigation diligently passed over in silence an interesting question: how could 7-10 people, dragging bulky equipment and an extension ladder, enter the Reichstag, bypassing enhanced control? It should be noted here that from the basement of the burnt building, a small staircase led to an underground corridor that ended in the building of the Palace of the Chairman of the Reichstag, which was located across the street from the parliament, that is, Goering’s home. So it was not difficult for him to get any number of people into the building undetected.
At that time, two German communist writers organized the publication of the "Brown Book" in many languages, which, in turn, helped to make the true background of events public.
By the time the commission’s work was completed, it became clear: van der Lubbe was indeed an arsonist, but served only as a tool in the hands of the Nazis, and in particular Goering. So the court in Leipzig went out of its way to try to hide the obvious and save the face of the second person in the state.
The four accused did not cause any trouble to the judge and assessors, but Dimitrov attacked the prosecutors so fiercely that they were forced to go on the defensive. Finally, the head of the Silesian storm troopers, Heine, the Breslau police prefect, Count Hellendorf, who led the Berlin storm troopers at the time of the fire, the Potsdam police prefect, the storm trooper Schultz, and Goering himself were summoned to the court to testify. The latter, understandably, was not delighted with this, but he showed up for the trial. But he clearly failed to play the role of an iron personality: a few minutes later, Goering, red and sweaty with rage, broke into a squeal, stunned by the turn of the trial. And Judge Bugner looked at him longingly, realizing that this trial put an end to his career as a lawyer.
In fact, the prosecution linked the defendants to the group of conspirators only on the basis of the fact that van der Lubbe was a communist. However, the criminal police quickly discovered evidence of the arsonist leaving the Communist Party at the beginning of 1931. He got into this story, most likely, because of his homosexual inclinations. “Male friendship” also flourished among the stormtroopers, and the example here was set by the head of the general staff, Rem himself. Ernst's entourage, he himself, Heine and many others were part of the “blue community” and recruited their personal guards, drivers, and confidants among homosexuals. It was for this reason that the Dutchman found himself in the camp of conspirators who decided to process this half-crazy man, incite in him hostility towards the existing system and use him as an “official” arsonist. In all likelihood, van der Lubbe was also drugged before the event itself. And during the trial itself he was in a state of stupor, which could be explained by the effects of drugs.
The Leipzig trial did not end at all as its organizers had planned. Only one of the accused, the arsonist himself, was sentenced to death, while four other participants in the trial were acquitted. The judges never risked convicting the innocent, despite instructions received “from above.” Upon learning of the failure of the case, Hitler fell into hysterics, and Goering. sent the four acquitted to prison. Only on February 27, under strong pressure from international public opinion, were they released. True, Torgler was immediately sent to a concentration camp. The speaker managed to leave there only after agreeing to go into service with the Nazis.
On January 10, 1934, a message appeared in the press that the sentence against the Reichstag arsonist had been carried out. However, the van der Lubbe family was refused to release the remains of the executed man for burial in the Netherlands. But it is not worth saying that the Dutchman turned out to be a “decoy”, escaped execution and lived for many more years under an assumed name. As you know, the Gestapo did not like to leave witnesses.
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staged German court by fascists. trial against communists falsely accused of burning down the Reichstag; took place in Leipzig from 21 September. to 23 Dec. 1933. Capturing in January. 1933 power, the fascists set their task to defeat the Communist. party, destroy its influence among the masses. On the night of February 28. 1933 Nazis, acting directly under. leadership of G. Goering, set fire to the Reichstag building and, blaming the communists for this, launched mass terror. 28 Feb. An emergency decree was issued, abolishing freedom of the individual, assembly, unions, speech, and press. Over the course of several For months, the Nazis prepared L. p., fabricating false accusations against several. communists, among whom was Bulgaria. revolutionary G. Dimitrov. Monstrous fash. the provocation caused a wide wave of protest throughout the world. A commission was created from the world's leading lawyers and conducted a detailed investigation into the circumstances of the crime. The “counter-trial” that took place in September 1933 in London, based on irrefutable facts, proved that the Reichstag was set on fire by the Nazis, who used an underground passage connecting the Reichstag with the Goering Palace. Immediately after the start of the process, G. Dimitrov turned fascist. trial in the arena of the struggle against the Hitlerite dictatorship. Dimitrov, who used L. p. to expose the Germans. fascism, completely refuted the false accusations, showed who was really to blame for the Reichstag fire. Brilliantly defending the cause of international proletariat, G. Dimitrov indicated the means of struggle against fascism: “Mass work, mass struggle, mass resistance, united front, no adventures! These are the alpha and omega of communist tactics.” The speeches of G. Dimitrov and pressure from the world community forced the court to acquit the accused communists. Lit.: Dimitrov G., Leipzig process. Speeches, letters and documents, M., 1961; Fischer E., Signal. Dimitrov's fight against the warmongers, trans. from German, M., 1960; Leipzig process and international solidarity in the fight against fascism 1933-1934, C, 1958; Rakhmanova I.P., Georgy Dimitrov at the Leipzig trial, "NNI", 1957, No. 2; Kurella A., Dimitroff contra G?hring, V., 1964. E. B. Lazareva. Moscow.
Georg Dimitrov and the Leipzig process. 1933
“Fascism is an open terrorist dictatorship
the most reactionary, the most chauvinistic,
the most imperialist elements of the financial
capital... Fascism is not supra-class power and not
the power of the petty bourgeoisie or lumpen proletariat over
financial capital. Fascism is the power of financial capital itself. This is an organization of terrorist reprisals against the working class and the revolutionary part of the peasantry and intelligentsia. Fascism in foreign policy is chauvinism in its crudest form, cultivating zoological hatred against other peoples.”
(G. Dimitrov).
“Born on June 18, 1882 in Radomir, near Sofia.
I left school after finishing second grade. Until 1904 he worked as a typesetter.
Son of the working class of Bulgaria...” - from the summary of the first speech before the court, compiled in prison on September 25, 1933.
1933 was a turning point for Germany. The Nazis came to power. Repressions against communists, workers, and social democrats swept across Germany. The processes were stamped like Ford cars coming off assembly lines for the future greatness of the Empire. But in one trial, even the unprincipled cutthroat imperial machine broke its teeth. This was the trial of the Bulgarian communist Georg Dimitrov. Many people living today don’t even know who it was named after. Let's say in Leningrad-Petersburg Dimitrova Street?
Meanwhile, accused by the Nazis of setting fire to the Reichstag along with other communists, this man challenged not just imperial justice, but also fascist ideology itself, the Nazi party itself and its executioners, who launched this process in the fall of 1933. Not only did Dimitrov scatter all the false accusations while in shackles, he made this process known to the world community and an arena for the propaganda of communist ideas, despite the fact that the court had to remove him from the courtroom many times.
And to this day, his defense speech pronounced in the Leipzig court on December 16, 1933 sounds and will sound like an angry accusation against all fascist executioners, all murderers of the bright future of humanity, all champions of elitist ideas. His speech served as a model for similar defensive speeches by communists in different countries, Toivo Antikainen, who was called “Dimitrov of the North,” in Finland, Nikos Beloyannis in Greece, Bram Fischar in South Africa.
It sounds to all those who want to build empires on mountains of corpses, to all those who push people into slaughter, hunger, poverty, who sow discord, non-reconciliation, who sow destruction and fear, who rob people of their future, their homeland, forcing them to wander around Earth.
Don’t you notice, having settled down on soft sofas, how neo-fascism, hiding behind the mask of bourgeois freedoms, is again building a system of elitism and selectivity? Which you, ordinary people, have no entry into. Do you really want to be deceived when people's faith in a bright future, coming from the now slandered past - the October Revolution, the Civil War, the Second World War, the Cold War, is being destroyed bit by bit. Lying about these events is your future taken away.
I'm writing this for a future process. After all, this will happen someday, when imperial fascism becomes completely insolent. And then, accused of setting the planet Earth on fire, a communist like Georg Dimitrov will stand up - and the planet will reel under the feet of liars and misanthropes.
Excerpts from the transcript of the last word:
“Dimitrov: I admit that I speak harsh and harsh language. My struggles and my life have also been harsh and harsh. But my language is a frank and sincere language...
I defend myself as an accused communist.
I defend my own communist revolutionary honor.
I defend my ideas, my communist beliefs.
I defend the meaning and content of my life.
Therefore, every word I uttered before the trial is, so to speak, blood from blood and flesh from my flesh. Every word is an expression of my deepest indignation against the unfair accusation, against the fact that such an anti-communist crime is attributed to the communists,” page 167
From the very first words one can feel the realization that the Reichstag fire is just a pretext for the trial of communism.
“It is true that Bulgarian fascism is savage and barbaric. But the Bulgarian working class and peasantry, the Bulgarian people's intelligentsia are by no means savages or barbarians... The people who lived for 500 years under foreign yoke without losing their language and nationality, our working class and peasantry who fought and are fighting against Bulgarian fascism, for communism , - such a people are not barbaric and savage. Savages and barbarians in Bulgaria are only fascists. But I ask you, Mr. Chairman: in which country are the fascists not barbarians and savages?
Chairman: (interrupts Dimitrov): You’re not hinting at political relations in Germany, are you? - pp. 168-169
“This is not the first time such an attempt has been attributed to the communists... I remind you of the train accident here in Germany, near Uteborg, committed by a psychopath, an adventurer, a provocateur. Then, not only in Germany, but also in other countries, the claim was spread for weeks that this was the work of the German Communist Party... Then it turned out that it was done by the psychopath and adventurer Mother.
Let me remind you of another example - the murder of the French president by Gorgulov. Then, too, in all countries they wrote that the hand of the communists was visible here. Gorgulov was portrayed as a communist, a Soviet agent. What happened? This assassination attempt turned out to be organized by the White Guards, and Gorgulov was a provocateur who wanted to achieve a severance of relations between the Soviet Union and France.
I will also remind you of the assassination attempt in St. Sophia Cathedral. This assassination attempt was not organized by the Bulgarian Communist Party, but because of it... Two thousand workers, peasants and intellectuals were brutally killed by fascist gangs... Back in 1920, the chief of the Sofia police, Prutkin, himself organized a bomb explosion during a strike of railway workers in order to provoke the Bulgarian workers.”
Today everyone knows that bourgeois reaction has used this tactic of discrediting communism throughout history. Thus, the Bulgarian special services and Bulgaria, as a country of socialism, were accused of the assassination attempt on Pope John Paul 2. Whereas in fact, the roots of the assassination attempt were hidden in Turkey among the fascist organization “Gray Wolves”.
Dimitrov goes on to address another important issue of false accusations:
“I will remind you of one more point - forgery of documents. There are a large number of fakes against the working class... I will at least remind you of the so-called “Zinoviev’s letter”. It was faked..."
Dozens of false documents fabricated over different years were published in books, newspapers, and magazines. The Solzhenitsyns and Suvorovs spread this lie all over the world. A breakdown of some of them is given here: http://scepsis.net/library/id_2239.html
At all times, capital and its mercenaries - the fascists - were not original: provocations, terrorism, murders - everything is done with their dirty hands to enslave humanity. It is our direct duty to know history. And even more so to know the history of our victories and our defeats.
Georg Dimitrov is undoubtedly one of the greatest figures of the communist movement in the west of the 1st half of the 20th century. His courage and bravery are an example to follow for all who lead human progress.
…………………………………………………………
Georg Dimitrov and the Leipzig Trial. 1933
"Fascism is an open terrorist dictatorship
nay-reactionary, in nay-chauvinistic,
nay-imperialist elements on finance
capital... Fascism is not a supra-class force and not
silat on the drebna bourgeoisie or lumpen on the proletariat over
finance capital. Fascism is the power of finance capital. The organization of reprisals against the working class and against the revolutionary classes, often from the villagers and intelligentsia, is also terroristic. Fascism in foreign policy is chauvinism in its crudest form, cultivating a zoological smear against other peoples."
(Gr. Dimitrov).
"Born on June 18, 1882 in Radomir, near Sofia.
The school left a trace of the region in the second class. Until 1904 he was a typesetter.
Sin for the working class in Bulgaria.." - from the summary of the speech before the congress, prepared at the shutter on September 25, 1933.
1933 was a turning point for Germany. Let the Nazis go to power. In Germany, from the brink of repression, I will meet communists, workers, and social democrats. Processes stamped cars that came off the transportori on Ford for future greatness on the Imperiat. But in one process, the unprincipled cutthroat imperial machine broke the whole thing. Tova is the only sedeben process before the Bulgarian communist George Dimitrov. There are many living things today and they don’t know: in honor of someone, it’s beautiful. Yes, we are talking in Leningrad - Petersburg Dimitrova Street?
And at the same time, he was accused by the Nazis of being killed at the Reichstag, in concert with other communists and people of contempt for not just imperial justice, but also Samata fascist ideology, the Nazi party and the executioners, which is the same for the process of the president in 1933. Not only that Dimitrov scattered all kinds of false accusations and were in shackles, but he also sent the process of property to the bright public arena for propaganda of communist ideas, despite the fact that there was a lot of fussing from the courtroom.
And to this day, angry accusations against the fascist executioners, against the murderer - there will be more light for mankind, against the champions of the elite, sound and sound a negative defensive thought in the assembly in Leipzig, December 16, 1933. Rechta mu serve kato model for the protection of speech on communism in various countries Toivo Antikainen, named "Severen Dimitrov", in Finland, Nikos Beloyanis in Georgia, Brahma Fishar in South Africa.
You sound, sound and on all things onezi, who is looking for and will be saved by the empire in the planinite on the corpse, on all things onesies, who is pushing people together on the clan, famine, poverty, why is this discord, not reconciliation, who is sowing devastation and fear, who is robbing the Horat on It’s good for Rodinata si, forcing her to wander around Zemyata.
Nima is not whitewashed, having adapted to the meki divani, what is neo-fascism, hiding behind the mask of bourgeois freedom, again fencing the system for elitism, election? In koyato nyama entrance vi, obiknovenite choir. You wish Nima yes badat change, kogato little by little se humiliating vyarata na khorata in a brighter future, idvashchi from this slandered minaloto - Octomvriyskata Revolution, Civil War, Second World War, Student War. Lie for the purpose of shooting down - and your wealth will be taken away.
Write tova for the future process. At some point in the future, imperial fascism will finally become insolent. And togawa, accused of falling on the planet Earth se izdigne takv communist cato Georg Dimitrov - and e is set out at risk for the planet under the krakat on lzhtsit and misanthropes.
Take a break from the transcript for the last thought:
"Dimitrov: I admit, why did I speak harshly and rudely. They washed the belly and beat me sharply and harshly. But they washed the little guy - the little guy is open and sincere...
I am protecting myself and I am responding and I am a communist.
Az protection you own and communist revolutionary honor.
I will protect your ideas, your communist beliefs.
I put protection on you and put it on my stomach.
But every word is said to me before sitting down to the thought - tova e, so and so, krav from kravta and plat from platt mi. Every thought is expressed on my found indignation, unfair accusations, I will face the fact, this is an anti-communist crime, this is attributed to communism,” page 167
The meeting with nay-parvite dumi se usya osznavaneto, what was fired at the Reichstag - this is simply an apology for the process of communism.
“It’s clear that the Bulgarian fascism is diva and barbaric. But in the Bulgarian working class and peasants, the Bulgarian people’s intelligentsia is in no way a divaci and not a barbarian... The people, who lived under a foreign yoke for 500 years, don’t ruin your life and nationality, our working class and villagers, who themselves fought and are still fighting against Bulgarian fascism, communism - so the people are not barbaric and diva. fascist not sa barbari and not sa divaci?
Chairman: (President Dimitrov): Aren’t you hinting about political relations in Germany?” - paragraphs 168-169
“It’s not for the same thing as encroachment on communism... let us remind you for the disaster here, in Germany, close to Uteborg, good psychopath, adventurer, den. Togawa is not in Germany itself, but also in other countries during the week, due Confirmation, what's the matter on the market on the communist party in Germany... The trace of what happened, what's the psychopath and adventurer Maikata.
Let us remind you of another example - the murder of the French President Gorgulov. Togawa sscho vv vsichki pages sa wrote, che tuk se vizhda rakata na komunistite. Gorgulov is depicted as a communist, a socialist agent. How's it going? Tova's encroachment was organized by the White Guards, and Gorgulov - den, koito iska yes postign skasvane on the junction between the Soviet Union and France.
Let us remind you exactly about visiting the Sofia Assembly. Commodity encroachment was not quickly organized by the Bolgarskat Communist Party, but for its sake... Two filthy women workers, villagers and intellectuals brutally killed the fascists Bandi... Even before 1920, the head of the Sofiyskat police, Prutkin, organized strikes at the time self-explosion on the bomb in yes se provoking Bulgarian workers"
Today it is known in all respects, the tactics for discrediting kam communism, the bourgeois reaction has been applied in history. So, for the assassination attempt I will face Pope John Paul 2 and accuse the Bulgarians, Bulgaria, which is the state of socialism. Togawa, as a whole root for murder, was lurking in Turkey around Wednesday, the fascist organization "Civite Vulci".
Natatik Dimitrov is still important to the problems of inaccuracy:
“Let me remind you of one more point - falsifications on documents. I have met a lot of mislicits of the working class... let me remind you that this is called a “letter to Zinoviev”. It’s forged...”
Desetki falsified documents produced in various gods and vids in books, newsletters, write-offs. The Solzhenitsyns and Suvorovs rang out the basins of lies for the holy purpose. Dismantling on nyakoi from tyakh dana tuk: http://scepsis.net/library/id_2239.html
Vvsichki times, capital and negogovite mercenaries - fascists are not the same original: provocation, terrorism, murder - all the same pravi tehnite mrsni rtse for the destruction of humanity. You know the history of our direct debt. And even more importantly, they will recognize everything from the historian to sew up victories and sew up defeats.
Georg Dimitrov is undoubtedly one of the leading figures on the communist movement to the west from the first half of the 20th century. Negovata courage and bravery is an example for imitation in every way, somehow in the hope of human progress.
The Leipzig Trial is the first victory of the communists over the fascists September 21st, 2016
On September 21, the trial of the arson of the Reichstag in Berlin began in Leipzig. There were five people in the dock, four of whom were communists. The charges against them were collected so crudely that in the end, on December 23, the trial ended with the acquittal of four of the five defendants due to insufficient evidence.
The first of the suspects was detained by a certain Marinus van der Lubbe, a citizen of the Netherlands, who, as it turned out later, left the communist movement back in 1931. The next to be arrested was the leader of the parliamentary faction of the German Communist Party, Ernst Torgler. Since the German press was full of unfounded accusations against the communists, he himself went to the police, where he intended to state his position, but was captured and put behind bars. Three more people were arrested on a tip from a waiter at one of the establishments, who, in order to receive easy money announced for a reward for the capture of Marinus van der Lubbe’s accomplices, slandered three restaurant patrons. They turned out to be Bulgarian communists Blagoy Popov, Vasil Tanev and the leader of the Comintern underground Georgiy Dimitrov. The Bulgarians immediately began to completely deny any connection with Marinus van der Lubbe, since they did not even know him.
But in order to understand the background of the Reichstag arson trial organized by the Nazis, we need to recall the historical context of those February events.
And this is how things stood in Germany at the beginning of 1933. Despite the fact that by that time the Nazis had already come to power (Adolf Hitler was appointed Reich Chancellor on January 30, 1933), in the upcoming elections in early March they did not feel at all confident of their victory. The influence of the German Communist Party and trade unions was quite high and would not have allowed the Nazis to gain a majority in parliament.
On February 27, 1933, an event took place in Berlin that has gone down in history as another provocation of the German Nazis. In the evening of that day, the Reichstag building was set on fire, which was very badly damaged and subsequently was not used for a long time. The Nazi-controlled press unanimously began to blame the communists for the arson.
The law abolished freedom of personality, assembly, union, speech, and press. The secrecy of correspondence and the inviolability of private property were abolished. The German Communist Party was banned. Over the next few days alone, several thousand communists were arrested, as well as leaders of liberal and social democratic movements. All printed publications opposing the Nazis were closed. But even despite such measures, the Nazis failed to obtain the necessary majority. As a result, they deprived the communists and a number of social democrats of their mandates and passed through parliament the “Law to eliminate the disasters of the people and the state,” after which local members of the Hitler party began to seize power. This is how the Nazi dictatorship began in Germany.
These events alone provide a clear understanding of who actually benefited from the burning of the Reichstag building. Research carried out later showed that the fire was the work of a group of stormtroopers led by Karl Ernest, trusted men of Röhm, acting with the assistance of Goering and Goebbels. After all, only in the course of extinguishing the fire, firefighters who arrived at the scene discovered 65 fires throughout the building, which clearly indicated the coordinated actions of a large group. Many unsightly facts for the Nazis were revealed during the arson investigation, but the Nazis methodically and mercilessly destroyed all witnesses and participants in those events.
But let’s return to the trial, which, according to the fascists, should be an exemplary trial of the communists, who, according to the Nazis, after setting fire to the Reichstag, intended to start a putsch and an illegal seizure of power. Let me remind you that it took place from September 21 to December 23, 1933. A total of 54 meetings were held, the proceedings of which were covered by 120 journalists from all over the world, with the exception of Soviet ones (the Nazis did not allow them to attend the trial).
It should be noted that before the trial began, this case was considered in London by an international commission, which included prominent public figures from European countries. German emigrants raised the entire international community to their feet and collected many facts indicating the Nazis' involvement in the Reichstag fire. By the time the commission completed its work, it became clear that Marinus van der Lubbe was indeed an arsonist, but served only as a tool in the hands of the Nazis. At the trial in Leipzig, prosecutors tried their best to ensure that the facts discovered by the commission were not brought to trial.
The four defendants did not cause any trouble to the court and the prosecution, but Georgiy Dimitrov, who acted as a defense lawyer (the German authorities assigned a lawyer to the accused, whose tactics did not suit the Bulgarians), did it so brilliantly that he practically turned the trial around. He did everything to expose the criminal acts of the Nazis and, in fact, acted as a prosecutor.
Dimitrov’s brilliant defense at the trial was highly praised, as the trial came under close attention from the whole world. The trial was widely covered in the press and broadcast on radio. Georgy Dimitrov’s speeches at the trial are described in Kamen Kalchev’s book “Dimitrov: Son of the Working Class” (Young Guard, Moscow, 1962). Here are some quotes from speeches at the trial by Dimitrov himself, who behaved confidently and calmly during the trial, since he could prove that he was in Munich at the time of the arson of the Reichstag building:
— I am here to defend communism and myself.
— I defend myself as an accused communist. I defend my own communist revolutionary honor. I defend my ideas, my communist beliefs. I defend the meaning and content of my life. Therefore, every word I uttered before the trial is, so to speak, blood from blood and flesh from my flesh. Every word is an expression of my deepest indignation against the unfair accusation, against the fact that such an anti-communist crime is attributed to the communists.
— Further, it is also absolutely correct that I am for the proletarian revolution and for the dictatorship of the proletariat. I am deeply convinced that this is the salvation and the only way out of the economic crisis and military catastrophe of capitalism. And the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat and for the victory of communism, undoubtedly, constitutes the content of my life. I would like to live at least another twenty years for communism and then die in peace. But that is precisely why I am a resolute opponent of the methods of individual terror and putschism. I have absolutely nothing, either direct or indirect, to do with the burning of the Reichstag. I see the Reichstag arsonist Van der Lubbe for the first time here in this hall.
— The entire preliminary investigation against me was conducted with bias and with the clear intention, at any cost, in spite of all the contradictory facts, to frame me for the Reichstag court as an arsonist of the Reichstag, after the preliminary investigation, which lasted for months, was unable, as is now clear to me, to find the real culprits.
— Who is Van der Lubbe? Communist? Not at all! Anarchist? No! He is a declassed worker, he is a rebellious lumpenproletarian, a creature who has been abused, who has been used against the working class. No, he is not a communist. He is not an anarchist. Not a single communist in the world, not a single anarchist, will behave in court the way Van der Lubbe behaves. True anarchists do meaningless things, but in court they answer and explain their goals. If any communist had done something like that, he would not have remained silent in court when innocent people were sitting in the dock. No, Van der Lubbe is not a communist, not an anarchist; he is a tool abused by fascism.
Dimitrov performed so brilliantly that he drove Goering, who spoke at the trial as a witness, into hysterics. A vivid description of the duel between Dimitrov and Goering was given by the Viennese Social Democratic newspaper Arbeiterzeitung:
“The man who there, in Leipzig, stands proudly, bravely, undaunted before the vile court, will live as one of the heroes of this dark time: Dimitrov, the Bulgarian communist. Each of his questions makes a hole in the wall of stupidity, meanness and baseness that the German rulers have erected around collapsing capitalism. Through these gaps blows the breath of a future full of freedom, greatness and human dignity. Each of his questions is an attack, and not one of his questions serves his personal defense: this man doomed to death is not fighting for his life, he is fighting for a high cause to which he subordinates his life, for socialism, which fills him with self-awareness, confidence in victory Rarely has it happened to see something as stunning, something as shaking and inspiring as this man’s struggle against the German rulers. They, these blood-stained conquerors, have a ministry of propaganda, they have gigantic fireworks and gigantic demonstrations, they have loudspeakers and machine guns, meeting halls and courts - and this accused Bulgarian, this lonely Dimitrov, has nothing but his lips, his courage, his fanaticism. And yet the German dictators, gnashing their teeth, feel that this doomed man is stronger than their entire apparatus of power, that his every question has a stronger effect than all their diabolically functioning propaganda. All this came to an end yesterday, culminating in a scene in which the essence of the proletarian revolution collided with the infamy of the fascist dictatorship. Goering, a murderer, an arsonist and a morphine addict, the all-powerful Minister of Terror and Death, testified yesterday at the trial... The nerves of the morphine addict could not stand it... The most powerful man in Prussia, the man whom Germany fears most, lost his self-control, began to roar and scream, Like a crazy".
At a rally of Soviet and Cuban youth in Moscow in 1962, Nikita Khrushchev described the trial of Dimitrov as follows:
“At the Leipzig trial he was, as it were, in a cage with tigers. It is impossible to read what Georgiy Dimitrov said there without emotion. He spoke as if it was not him who was being tried in Leipzig, but he who was being tried, who was trying Goering, who was trying Goebbels, who was trying Hitler, who was trying the fascist bosses and monsters, who was trying the fascist regime.”.
As a result, the Leipzig trial did not end at all as the Nazis had planned. Only the arsonist himself, Marinus van der Lubbe, was sentenced to death. The remaining defendants were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. Despite pressure from the Nazi leadership, the judges never risked convicting the innocent. Nevertheless, Goering sent all four acquitted to prison. And only on February 27, 1934, under strong pressure from international public opinion, three Bulgarian communists were released, but the German communist Torgler was immediately sent to a concentration camp.
It should be recalled that the fascists were also preparing a trial of the leader of the German Communist Party, Ernst Thälmann, but after the failure at the Leipzig trial, they did not dare to organize it. Ernst Thälmann spent the entire time of the Nazi dictatorship in dungeons, and in 1944 he was summarily executed in Buchenwald.
A year later, in May 1945, the workers' and peasants' Red Army, under the leadership of the All-Union Bolshevik Communist Party, will win a great victory over fascism, and the Red Banner of Victory will “blaze” over the Reichstag building - the lair of the Nazi beast. And soon the prosecutors of the Leipzig trial themselves will find themselves in the dock of the international tribunal in Nuremberg.
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